In 2018, Pakistan made a historic leap by merging the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP)—a move aimed at ending decades of political isolation and systemic marginalisation. The 25th Constitutional Amendment promised constitutional rights, improved governance, and access to basic services for millions long deprived of such essentials. Central to this transformation was education—a sector in crisis due to years of neglect, insecurity, and socio-cultural rigidity.
Prior to the merger, FATA’s education system was characterized by ghost schools, non-existent infrastructure, and alarmingly low literacy rates. In some districts, female literacy hovered below 5%. The militant insurgency exacerbated the situation by systematically targeting schools—particularly those for girls—reducing already limited access and shattering community trust.
Today, the legacy of that destruction remains visible. Despite the constitutional promise of change, the ground reality reflects a grim picture. According to conservative estimates, 4,434 schools in the tribal districts remain non-functional. South Waziristan leads this crisis with 1,670 closed schools, followed by North Waziristan with 957. These closures have left tens of thousands of children, especially girls, without access to education, fueling cycles of poverty and underdevelopment.
In the years following the merger, hopes were high. Yet, the post-merger educational reforms have fallen far short of expectations. The provincial government under Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), despite vocal commitments, failed to implement systemic change. New schools were not constructed at the promised pace, and many existing institutions were left in disrepair.
One of the gravest failures has been the persistent shortage of teachers. Schools from Bajaur to Waziristan remain understaffed, with many relying on underqualified or absent teachers. Allegations of favoritism in the appointment of District Education Officers (DEOs) have further eroded institutional integrity, undermining the efficiency of local education.
Meanwhile, corruption festers unchecked. Multiple cases have surfaced involving embezzlement in school supply procurement—ranging from uniforms to school bags—raising red flags over the misuse of public and donor funds. These scams not only rob children of resources but also erode public trust in the system.
Even where schools exist, they often operate without electricity, potable water, or sanitation facilities. These basic shortcomings severely hamper the learning environment. For girls, the situation is even more dire. Cultural resistance to female education remains deeply entrenched, compounded by a severe shortage of female teachers and inadequate transport facilities.
Fear of militancy, poor infrastructure, and the remoteness of many villages mean that many children, especially girls, simply cannot attend school. Furthermore, local education departments lack the capacity for effective governance and monitoring, leading to widespread inefficiency and stagnation.
The challenges facing education in ex-FATA are monumental, but not insurmountable. A coherent and inclusive strategy is urgently needed. Merit-based appointments must replace favoritism in the hiring and promotion of education officials to restore credibility and efficiency. Every development project and procurement process should be subjected to independent audits to ensure transparency and curb corruption. Active community engagement is vital—local elders, parents, and youth must be brought into school management and decision-making to boost enrollment and reduce dropout rates. Female education, in particular, requires targeted investment: more girls’ schools, female teachers, and safe transport options are essential, along with financial incentives and outreach programs to challenge entrenched cultural resistance. International donors and NGOs must remain involved, but their interventions should be grounded in local needs and closely monitored to maximize impact and accountability.
The merger of FATA into KP was a necessary first step toward integration but it was only the beginning. The path to a reformed, equitable, and inclusive education system in ex-FATA requires more than rhetoric; it requires sustained political will, strategic investment, and, most importantly, community ownership.
Education is more than a right. It is the cornerstone of peace, progress, and long-term stability. If Pakistan is serious about ending marginalisation and fostering development in the former tribal areas, it must prioritise educational reforms now. For the millions of children growing up in these districts, the time for promises has passed. What they now need is action—bold, inclusive, and transformative.
