THE BATTLE FOR NARRATIVE IN KP

ALI AFRIDI

Walk into any university campus in Peshawar or Mardan, and you will find students constantly exchanging videos, comparing ideas and debating issues in ways their parents never did. Some of the content they consume connects them to opportunities, new skills and a wider world. At the same time, some of it can fuel anger, grievances and in extreme cases, violence. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa now stands at this crossroads, and the choices made over the next decade will shape not only the province but the future of the entire country.

Internet did not create radicalization in KP, but it has given it new speed and reach. Radicalization did not originate online; however, the internet has certainly provided it with a velocity and geographic spread that were previously unknown. Extremist groups are no longer limited to distributing pamphlets at bus stops. Instead, they operate Telegram channels, upload sermons on YouTube and produce polished social media content aimed directly at young men who feel marginalized or left out. The message remains consistent: the system has failed you; outsiders have wronged you, and your life will gain meaning if you join their cause.

What makes this particularly effective in KP is the combination of genuine grievances and information poverty. Youth unemployment in the province is often significantly higher than the national average. As a result, many young people harbour real frustrations about the lack of opportunities, corruption and what they perceive as neglect by the State. Radical narratives do not always rely on outright lies; rather, they draw on these  genuine grievances and redirect the resulting anger toward destructive ends. In contrast, the counter-narratives offered by the State and civil society have often been slow, overly preachy and ultimately unconvincing.

However, there is also a quieter but growing “ecosystem of positive content” on the internet. Young entrepreneurs from Swat share their businesses on Instagram. Female students in Kohat discuss career choices in Facebook groups. Journalists and educators have developed Pashto YouTube channels that focus on civic rights and critical thinking.

This kind of counter-narrative works because it does not rely on lectures. Instead of telling people what to think, it simply shows alternative paths and possibilities.

When asked how they verify information they encounter online, many young people in KP cite the combination of genuine grievances and information poverty. Youth unemployment in the province is often significantly higher than the national average. As a result, many young people harbour real frustrations about the lack of opportunities, corruption and what they perceive as neglect by the State. Radical narratives do not always rely on outright lies; rather, they draw on these genuine grievances and redirect the resulting anger toward destructive ends. In contrast, the counter-narratives offered by the State and civil society have often been slow, overly preachy and ultimately unconvincing.

 However, there is also a quieter but growing “ecosystem of positive content” on the internet. Young entrepreneurs from Swat share their businesses on Instagram. Female students in Kohat discuss career choices in Facebook groups. Journalists and educators have developed Pashto YouTube channels that focus on civic rights and critical thinking.

This kind of counter-narrative works because it does not rely on lectures. Instead of telling people what to think, it simply shows alternative paths and possibilities.

When asked how they verify information they encounter online, many young people in KP give revealing answers: most do not. This is not necessarily because they are careless, but because no one has taught them how to do it. School curricula across the province have not adequately incorporated digital literacy—specifically the ability to critically assess sources of information, recognize manipulation and distinguish reliable information from content laced with propaganda or misinformation.

This gap needs to be addressed with the same urgency as physical security. A young person who can identify a manipulated video or question why a particular piece of content provokes outrage is far less likely to be easily radicalized. Countries that have taken this issue seriously, including Finland and Estonia, have incorporated media literacy into school curricula from an early age and have seen measurable results. There is no reason why KP cannot adopt a similar approach, adapted to its own social context and local languages.

Outside the formal education system, community-level digital literacy initiatives can also play an important role. Programs run through mosques, community centres, and local organizations can reach individuals who are already out of school. Some NGOs operating in the province have begun implementing such initiatives. The real challenge, however, lies in sustaining and scaling up funding so that these programs can move beyond pilot phases and reach a wider audience.

One of the most consistent findings in counter-radicalization research worldwide is that young people who have something to lose are less likely to gravitate toward violence. That “something to lose” might be a business, a sports career, a professional skill or simply a strong sense of belonging within a supportive community. In this context, sports and entrepreneurship programs in KP carry far more importance than they are often given credit for.

Cricket academies, football leagues and martial arts training initiatives in districts such as Swabi, Charsadda and Dera Ismail Khan have done more than just produce athletes. They have provided young men with structured environments, mentors and peer networks that directly counter the pull of extremist organizations. A teenager preparing for a regional cricket tournament is not only learning how to bat; he is also developing discipline, respect for rules and an identity linked to something constructive and positive. Such programs require sustained government investment as well as collaboration with the corporate sector.

On the entrepreneurship side, small business incubators and vocational training centres have quietly produced success stories across the province. Young women in Swat running embroidery cooperatives, tech-savvy youth from Peshawar building freelancing careers and farmers in Malakand experimenting with new crops and marketing them through social media are all examples of alternative pathways. These efforts also function as powerful counter-narratives, demonstrating that progress and opportunity are possible without resorting to violence or extremism.

The battle for narrative in KP is not a military operation. It cannot be won through checkpoints and surveillance alone. Instead, it will be shaped in classrooms, on football pitches, in small business incubators and across the social media feeds of millions of young people deciding who they want to become and what they want to believe.

Encouragingly, the basic conditions for empowerment already exist in KP. The province possesses talent, resilience and a young population eager for opportunity. What is required now is a coordinated effort between government, civil society, the private sector and local communities to invest seriously in digital literacy, sports infrastructure and youth entrepreneurship. Extremist groups already understand that whoever shapes the narrative ultimately shapes the future. It is time for everyone else to recognize this with equal seriousness.